Board of Regents v. Backy Trial Reaction

In the early 1970s Davis Medical School, chartered by the University of California, attempted to increase the diversity of its student body by reserving space for minorities. This initiative lead to the reservation of ten out of one hundred seats for African American students. While such a policy was intended to provide opportunities for historically underrepresented and marginalized groups, many Americans perceived the medical schools admission's strategy as reverse discrimination. In support of their claims, critics argued that the establishment of a racial quota was impartial and juxtaposed merit based admittance. 

Supporters of the universities action rebutted that quotas were a necessary atonement for past sins and were needed to effectively bring the African American community up to speed. Other proponents would argue that research had demonstrated an improved educational experience for all groups; different groups provide different perspectives and come from different backgrounds, leading to intellectual refinement.

In 1978, these viewpoints would come into conflict in the halls of the supreme court with Bakke v. Reagents of the University of California. Alan Bakke was a prospective student at the Davis school of Medicine that was rejected in 1973 and again in 1974. On the basis that his 3.46 grade point average exceeded standards of application, Bakke believed his rejection was due to the racial quota and sued the school. 

The court heard a myriad of arguments on the day of the convention which shed light onto the multifaceted complexity of the issue. The historical argument in favor of the university pointed out that the universities' policies were not about punishing a certain group, but uplifting a suppressed group. It was said that the scars of racism did not vanish with desegregation and that a difference in opportunity persisted. Consequently, it was reasoned that the university had an obligation to take active steps to dismantle any and all race-based disadvantages. 

From a different perspective, it was argued that diversity serves the interests of the community. The defending legal team referenced the Fair Housing Act of 1968 which banned discriminatory housing practices. Through this litigation, it was extrapolated that there was a nation wide movement toward equality and inclusion. Therefore, the university was carrying out its due diligence for the black community. 

To pivot, the defense also incorporated several economic rationalities into its argument. It was claimed that diversity stimulated the quality and was essential to workplace success. By this logic, the defense boldly declared that the removal of a racial quota would be a setback to the American interest. 

In refutation of the previous claims, the plaintiff asserted that discrimination in any form is wrong and that admission should be based on academic ability, not race. Although it was acknowledged that racial quotas provided opportunities for marginalized groups, there was a declaration that these practices undermined their purpose by infringing the rights of an equally important group. Using this logic, Bakke's legal team reasoned that race-based admission policies were unconstitutional and infringed on the equal protection clause of the 14th amendment. 

From an economic standpoint, it was emphasized that outcomes should be based on merit and not race, especially in the medical field. By this rationale, allowing certain students to matriculate despite poor academic performance could threaten the integrity of professional industry; this dangerous precedent could cause the medical field to regress rather than progress. 

While the plaintiff did not point to any similar or precedent setting legal causes, it established that quota systems were a clear and blatant violation of the fourteenth amendment. It was also pointed out that equal competition and racial consideration could not coexist. 

After hearing the various arguments presented the court ruled that no state shall deny equal protections and therefore race could not influence admissions decisions. When delivering the opinion of the court, Chief Justice Smith exclaimed that Bakke was not to be held responsible for past injuries and should be awarded admittance to the Davis Medical School.

EOTO Reaction (Jim Crow Era)

The Jim Crow era began with the Plessy v. Ferguson decision in 1896 and lasted for nearly a decade. Unfortunately, this time period was characterized by segregation through laws, disenfranchisement of African Americans, and violence against black citizens.

 One of the most infamous incidence of violence took place in 1898 and is considered the only known successful violent coup in American history. The Wilmington Massacre was carried out by white supremacists that loathed the political and financial successes of the African Americans that inhabited local areas. The attacks were exceedingly violent, leading to the deaths of 60-300 African Americans and injuring many more. 

Consequently, many Black Americans fled the city in fear of their lives and security, violently shifting the demographics of Wilmington for generations. In retrospect, the massacre reinforced white supremacy and reversed black progress throughout the south by inspiring similar acts of violence against the colored population. 

Further stoking the flames of white supremacy was the release of D.W. Griffith's Birth of a Nation on February 8th, 1915.  The film was widely controversial for its inaccurate representation of history; it focused on the narrative that black people were savages who preyed on their vulnerable white counterparts and asserted that the Klan was necessary to protect the interests of white folks. 

Inspired by the movie, several chapters of the Ku Klux Klan were resurrected, leading to the Second Emergence of the KKK. More violent and widespread than the initial Klan, the Second Klan targeted all minority groups, including the Jewish, Catholic, and other immigrants. One of the more violent methods of the Klan and other supremacist groups was lynching. These were public acts of violence that were used to terrorize and control the African American population. Between 1882 and 1968, over five thousand black people would suffer this awful fate. 

Of those that were lynched, Emmet Till's death was as influential as it was tragic. While visiting family in Mississippi, 14-year-old Till allegedly whistled at Roy Bryant's wife in a general store. Roy and his accomplice J.W. Milam would later drag Till from his Uncle's home and maim him. Mami Till's decision to have an open casket funeral and reveal the brutality enkindled outrage across the nation, kicking off the civil rights era. 

Fortunately, not all developments of this era were negative. Thurgood Marshal was an pioneering lawyer for the NAACP that helped activists win many influential cases, such as Brown V. the Board of Education. Marshal later went on to become first African American supreme court justice. In the high court, Marshal continued to advocate for the protection of marginalized groups and became a symbol for black excellence. 

Additionally, the foundation of the United Negro College Fund by Mary Bethune and Dr. Patterson represented Signiant progress within the black community. With a mission to reduce barriers within education fund advocated for federal education grants and supported many historical black colleges. In all the UNCF reflected broader visions to create equal access to educational opportunities

In closing, the Jim Crow Era was time of heightened racial tension and violence. While certain events directly harmed the black populations. others provided the building blocks for radical change during the Civil Rights Era.

EOTO (Montgomery Bus Boycott and Freedom Rides)

Among the crowd of employed citizens ending their work day, Rosa Parks headed towards the Cleveland Avenue bus stop with hopes of securing a seat for the journey back to her apartment. Upon reaching the station, Mrs. Parks was relieved to find that there were less patrons than normal, allowing her to find a seat at the front of the color only section of the bus. After a long day working as a seamstress at a local department store, she was grateful to have the opportunity to rest.

However, the bus would hardly complete half of its route before the bus driver demanded Parks give up her seat to a white passenger–at this time it was not uncommon for the bus driver to force those in the colored section to stand once the white only portion had filled with passengers. This was likely not Park’s first experience, but on this particular day–December 1st, 1955–she would refuse to comply with the driver’s orders. 

Since Montgomery ordinance allowed bus operators to take action against those who disobeyed their orders, Parks was arrested and incarcerated. As soon as Rosa Parks was able to make a phone call, she reached out to E.D. Nixon, a prominent black leader. Nixon bailed Parks out of jail, believing she would be an ideal plaintiff for a case against segregation due to impeccable character and deep resolve. Consequently, Rosa Parks sued the City of Montgomery under the equal protection clause of the 14th amendment. 

At the same time, the African American community was outraged by the injustice and blatant discrimination. In response, the Women's Political Council led by Jo Ann Robison disseminated protest literature while Nixon assembled the Montgomery Improvement Association (MIA) in order to organize a bus boycott. 

Led by a young Martin Luther King Junior, the MIA organized massive car pools and rider pick up locations in order to circumvent the Montgomery bus system. Through MLK’s connection with the church, the organization received money through church donations and used religious assemblies to spread its mission. 

Finding a cause to put their frustration behind, many African Americans eagerly participated in the boycott, hoping to reverse injustice. Despite the personal inconvenience, thousands of Africans took alternative routes, shared rides, and walked to their destination in protest. Since colored riders made up over seventy-five percent of the bus services business, the city was losing 30,000 to 40,000 shares a day. 

As the boycott waned on, Montgomery City Lines began to feel the financial implications of the boycott, causing the city to make attempts to end the boycott. Local police would harass carpoolers, often preventing them from arriving at their destination or levying petty fines. Nonetheless, the boycott continued until Park’s lawsuit reached the supreme court in 1956 where it was determined that segregationally laws in busing service were unconstitutional under the equal protections clause; such a ruling was heavily influenced by the precedent in Brown v. the Board of Education Topeka (1955). 

The success of this boycott was paramount because it demonstrated the power of peaceful protests. At the same time, it established MLK as the leader of the civil rights movement and proved that the Brown decisions struck down the doctrine of separate but equal. While the Montgomery bus boycott and the desegregation of public transportation was a major victory for the African American cause, it was only the start of a decade-long struggle for civil rights. 

In a similar Incident involving bus transportation four years later, a interracial group of civil rights activists sought to test the 1960 Boynton v. Virginia ruling which extended desegregation to all facilities associated with interstate travel. The group, made up of seven African American and six whites, left for New Orleans in a Greyhound bus on May 4, 1961. 

As they traveled, the white riders made it a point to use black facilities while black riders deliberately used white facilities. This behavior challenged segregation and was carried out in protest of the Jim Crow laws that lingered in the South. 

The first incident of violence occurred on May 12 in South Carolina when two of the African American riders were viciously beaten for occupying a whites-only waiting area. However, this violence would appear insignificant as the bus traveled further into the deep south. 

In Atlanta, the group would split between two buses, but continued in the same direction. The first bus into Anniston, Alabama was followed by an angry mob in automobiles. When one of the tires of the bus blew out, the mob firebombed the bus, forcing the activists to flee certain dangers. As they deserted the inflamed bus, the activists were savagely beaten by members of the surrounding mob. 

The second bus was similarly attacked in Birmingham. In both cases, the police response was significantly delayed and collusion was suspected. Although the riders were unable to reach their destination and suffered severe abuse, they were able to spotlight the issue of racial violence which gained international attention.

The Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee (SNCC) in Nashville revitalized the effort and attempted the route once more. Upon their first trials, the members were arrested and deported to Tennessee. Undeterred, the SNCC members would attempt to complete the route, only to be ruthlessly beaten in Alabama. 

After these events, National Guard support was promised by Attorney General Robert Kennedy. Still, freedom riders were beaten and arrested consistently, leading President John F. Kennedy to demand the Interstate Commerce Commission (ICC) to enact and execute stricter anti-segregation policies. In September of 1961, the ICC mandated desegregation of interstate bus terminals, upholding the Boynton v. Virginia decision and bringing an end to the freedom rides. 

Mock Trial (Brown v. Board)

In 1896, the supreme court chiefed by Melville Fuller ruled against Homer Plessy’s claim the segregated rail cars violated the equal protections clause of the fourteenth amendment. In this landmark case, the separate but equal doctrine was established and legally unchallenged for over half a century. Such a proceeding concluded the reconstruction era and represented the dawn of the Jim Crow era of American history. 

The term “Jim Crow” originated from a minstrel character portrayed by Thomas Dartmouth Rice in the early nineteenth century. Within the performance, Jim Crow was a foolish and illiterate black man. Unfortunately, this figure became a derogatory stereotype for African Americans and exemplified the racist ideals of segregation. 

Soon after the Plessy v. Ferguson's case upheld the Louisiana state law enabling segregation on state railroads, racial separation spread rampantly across the south into other forms of accommodations. In horror, black Americans in the south watched as schools, businesses, sports, and other sectors of public life implemented segregational practices. Although greater racial progress had been made in the north, similar policies were implemented and followed; housing discrimination are impartial lending policies, examples of attempts in the North to exclude black people from white communities. 

Expectedly, African American citizens were abhorred by these policies that aimed to limit their freedoms. While there were protests and movements to reverse these discriminatory policies, the violent tactics of white supremacist groups, such as the Ku Klux Klan and the Red Shirts, annihilated any momentum. Furthermore, policies were implemented to disenfranchise African Americans and prevent opposition to Jim Crow Laws. These measures included impartial voting requirements such as grandfather clauses and poll taxes.

It was not until the middle of the twentieth century that black Americans began to recover their freedoms. One of the most pivotal supreme court rulings of this era was the Brown v. Board of Education which took place in 1954. While there were ardent arguments made for both sides using ethical, economic, historic, and cultural rationale, the all powerful Judge Smith ruled in the favor of Brown on the basis that separate could never be equal.

The most prevalent implication of such a ruling is the desegregation of schools throughout the nation. In the decades following this resolution, African Americans will slowly integrate into the American education system, starting with the Little Rock Nine. At the same time, the spirit of integration disseminated throughout all facets of American livelihood, reaching into sports, theatres, and public transportation.

Below is a legal argument in favor of the board of education presented before the judgeship.  

“As we convene to discuss Linda Brown’s right or lack thereof to attend Sumner Elementary School, we must consider previous proceedings of similar origin to ensure consistency within constitutional interpretation. By scrutinizing the logic used in former cases, we can ascertain the correct ruling that will provide the greatest benefit for the majority of the population. 

The first major case involving segregation in education and the educational rights of African Americans developed nearly fifty years ago with the Reynolds v. Board of Education Topeka in 1903. Within this case, all races attended the same school before it tragically went up in flames in 1900. In the aftermath, the city constructed a new school building for white students and moved an old building into town for black students. Outraged, the defendant maintained that his child should be allowed to attend the newly built school under the equal protection clause of the fourteenth. After much consideration the Kansas court protected the Board of Education citing the correspondence between an 1877 law that enabled the “operation of separate school”  and the precedent established in Plessy v. Ferguson. Furthermore, the court argued that policies within the fourteenth amendment did not supersede Kansas law. 

In a similar case, Mamie Richardson sued the Board of Education Kansas City in 1906 for denying her enrollment in Morning High School. In a sentiment that matched that of the 1903 Reynolds act, the Kansas court upheld the constitutionality of separate schools. 

A slightly different case emerged in 1908 with Williams v. the Board of Education Parsons wherein African Americans were designated to attend one of four elementary schools in the county. The plaintiff fought to remove their child from the all black school for safety concerns as the colored school was located near seven extremely dangerous railroad junctions. While the court granted Williams with relief, it refused to consider the enrollment of William’s child into a safer school reserved for white people. Consequently, the law that enabled separate schools for the races was reinforced once more. 

Most recently, in the 1929 case Wright v. The Board of Education Topeka upheld the sentiment that the operation of separate schools of the races was constitutional and lawful. In this case Wilhelmina Wright transferred to the all black Buchanan School from the Randolph school reserved for white citizens. While the Kansas Supreme Court found the two schools to be equal, it was accepted that the transfer presented an unequal access to education. However, this ruling was based on the greater distance between Buchanan and the plaintiffs residence. Instead of reversing the law for separation of schooling, the courts mandated that the Buchanan school provide buses to alleviate the issue of transportation.

In all of four of the cases that we have reviewed, a singular sentiment rings true. The schooling system in the state of Kansas is lawful and in line with the separate but equal doctrine instituted in the 1896 Plessy V. Ferguson decision. Considering the wisdom of these cases, we ought to protect the right of the Kansas schooling district to operate separate schools. 

In order to rule against the Board of Education in the present case, the court would have to overturn the landmark decision made in 1896. Such an action should not be taken lightly as three landmark cases have ever been overturned in American history up to this point, the Parish, Barnette, and Gobitis cases. 

Rather than impose a radical ruling, the court should consider remedying Linda Brown’s current situation to ensure that she is granted equal access to education, a method which has been applied effectively in the past. Perhaps a better busing system as proposed in the Wright case or a rerouting of the train tracks could provide the student with easier and safer access to her school. In accordance with the Plaintiff's complaint of inferior quality, the city can delegate greater resources, hire more qualified teachers, and remodel the all black school to ensure equal opportunity. With the aforementioned measures, the city of Topeka can ensure its schooling systems uphold the equality promised in the separate but equal doctrine. 

In conclusion, your honor, we implore you to uphold the decision made in the Plessy case, but demand the

augmentation of the Topeka schooling system.”

In the Heat of the Night Reaction

Filmed in 1966 and directed by Norman Jewison, In The Heat of The Night portrayed the American. way of life in the 1960's. The opening portions of the movie follow Police Officer Sam Wood as he patrols the small town of Sparta, Mississippi. Eventually, Officer Wood turns down a dark alley, discovering the body of Phillip Colbert at an intersection with a main road.

Before long, the town's doctor and chief of police responded to the scene. After the Doctor Stewarts estimated the time of death to be within several hours of the discovery, Police Chief Bill Gillespie ordered Officer Wood to search for potential suspects involved with the case. The officer would search several potential locations before arriving at the train station where he would encounter Mr. Virgil Tibbs. Despite Virgil's calm demeanor and passive body language, Sam drew his gun, searched, and took Mr. Tibbs to the police station for questioning. 

This scene is important because it highlights to implicit racism that lingered in the south after generations of slavery. Office Wood had no reason to suspect Mr. Tibbs for the murder of Colbert and even less reason to draw his sidearm given Tibbs' body language. Therefore, Sam's behavior can be attributed to bias derived from Virgil's status as a black man. It was not uncommon for southerners to blame African Americans for crimes during this era due to a misguided perceptions.

Moreover, Sam's dialog reinforces this narrative. Over the course of the interaction, the police officer repeatedly referred to Virgil Tibbs as "boy." In the present Merriam-Webster dictionary, the fifth definition of the aforementioned word was used to condescendingly address "male servants or enslaved men." Such shameless expression of racism was widespread throughout the south during these years in American history. As a Philadelphia native, Virgil would have been caught off by this experience if it was his first visit to the deep south. 

After the interaction with Sam, Virgil was escorted to the police station to be questioned by the chief of police, Gillespie. Affected by Wood's bias and likely internal bias, the chief developed a similar position which was reinforced by the money found in Tibbs's wallet. Although it was not explicitly announced, Gillespie had deduced that the only possible explanation for Virgil's wealth was theft and potentially murder. Such a conclusion was likely based on Bill Gillespie's perception of the financial and social position of African Americans. 

After proving his innocence, Virgil expectedly collected his belongings with the intention on returning the Philadelphia as soon as possible. Before he could leave, however, Chief Gillespie convinced Mr. Tibbs to join the investigation. Such a decision was likely regrettable, but Virgil's determination to uncover the murder and disseminate justice overpowered his apprehension. 

Over the course of his time in Sparta, Virgil Tibbs would experience several instances of racism, both overt and implicit. As a well off black man in a poor community in the deep South, Virgil stood out whenever he went. This was exemplified by several encounters with a group of racists who drove a car with a confederate flag license plate. This detail is significant because it reverberates the living sentiment of the lost cause. To this day and certainly during the time period of the film, some southerners cling to the confederate cause and ideology.

On a separate note, the relationship between Chief Gillespie and Mr. Tibbs is central to the plot of the film. Despite Gillespie's initial prejudice, the two characters develop an amicable relationship by the end of the feature. The progression of the plot element serves as a microcosm for American society as a whole during the time of filming. Similar to Rod Steiner's character, many Americans began to dissociate from generations of racial prejudice and realize the humanity of black Americans. 

This motif is especially prevalent at the end of the nursery scene when Virgil expressed his desire to undermine the rich and powerful Endicott. In response to this comment, Gillespie informed Mr. Tibbs that he was "just like the rest of us." At face value, this phrase signifies that Virgil and the town of Sparta were displeased by Endicott's cotton empire. From a different perspective, however, the chief's remark serves as a symbol of the subtle realization in American culture that black people were similar to white people in more ways than not. 

In all, In the Heat of the Night was a fantastic film that highlighted the great changes that befell the American culture in the civil rights era. From interpersonal interactions to social structures, the movie perfectly encapsulated the struggles of all Americans, from colored peoples to women, during an era of unprecedented progress and change. 

Plessy v. Ferguson (Trial Reaction)

In the latter portion of the 1870's, the federal government's dedication to the complete reconstruction of the south began to dwindle. At this point in history, it had become readily apparent that previous and current efforts to reform the south were largely ineffective; southerners violently resisted change and redeemer governments refused to comply with federal policy. Consequently, political forces drove union gradually reduce military and monetary expenditure, directly reflecting a loss in support of reconstruction. 

Further complicating the matter was the 1776 election between the republican candidate Rutherford B. Hayes and democratic nominee Samuel J. Tilden. After the polls closed, there was no clear winner as twenty electoral votes from Florida, Louisiana, and South Carolina were disputed. Such votes held an unparalleled significance in the outcome of the election because Hayes trailed Tilden by 19 votes.

 In an effort to resolve the issue, the Electoral Commission Act was passed, anointing a committee of five senators (three republican and two democrat), five representatives (two republican and three democrat), and five Supreme Court justices (2 democrat, 2 republican, and 1 independent). After intense rumination, the committee voted in favor of awarding the twenty contested votes to Rutherford B. Hayes. Outraged, southern representatives threatened to delay the results of the election through nonstop adjournments and filibusters. 

Eager to reach a resolution of the 1876 election, the republican party unofficially agreed to negotiate potential concession. This eventually result of  this negotiation was the Compromise of 1877 wherein the democratic party agreed to accept Haye's victory and respect the rights of African Americans on the conditions that federal troops were withdrawn from the south. Furthermore, Hayes was to include at least on democrat in the presidential cabinet and provide federal support for the Pacific Railroad. Such an agreement is appropriately deemed the end of the reconstruction era as it lead to the consolidation of the democratic party. 

Unfortunately, the southern democrats would fail to uphold their agreement to respect the rights of African Americans. Expectedly, the liberties of black citizen were frequently encroached upon in the South. In Louisiana, there was a law that forbode African Americans from riding on the same train cars as white people. Notably, the train cars designated to colored citizens were of inferior quality. 

Outraged, the black community sought to resist the unjust law through judicial review; it was thought to be abundantly clear that the Louisiana legislation clearly violated the "equal protection" clause of the fourteenth amendment. Determined to contribute to the fight against racial injustice and bring the law under the scrutiny of the supreme court, Homer Plessy bought a first class tickets and boarded a white-only passenger car. 

After refusing to leave, Plessy was arrested and tried for breaking the law. In the regional court, Judge John Ferguson convicted Plessy. In response, Plessy sued the judge on the basis that the Louisiana state law was unconstitutional. The ensuing proceeding was a landmark case that left its mark on American history for nearly a century. 

From a historical perspective, it was argued that the movement from slavery and discrimination was unstoppable. The petitioner asserted that told that segregation was a holdover from a time that should be left behind while simultaneously reasoning that the court had the ability to stand in the way or walk with social change. In a rebuttal, the respondent asserted that segregation is a necessary component of society as long as it did not hurt either race. Additionally, it was argued that the decision on segregation should be left to the states. 

From a economic standpoint, the defense argued that Black Wall Street proves separation is beneficial for both races. Furthermore, integration would be harmful to the safety and security of both races. It the prosecution declared peaceful coexistence is impossible and a stark change would put the stock market at risk of collapse. 

In opposition of these arguments, the petitioner argued that the cost of separate facilities would double expenses and the nation as a whole would fail to progress due to a monetary deficiency. It was also argued that the overall quality of products would go up if segregation was outlawed since the entirety of funds would be directed into a singular service instead of two. 

The most powerful argument for Plessy came from the constitution which asserted that all men are created equal and endowed with unalienable rights such as life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness. Additionally, Plessy's team reasoned that to ignore a clear violation of the fourteenth amendment would unravel the fabric of democracy. In an attempt to rebut these claims, the state argued that the fourteenth was not intended for social integration. It was argued that the fourteenth implied equal rights for African American, but did not demand social equality. Following this logic, it was reasoned that as long as facilities were equal, segregation was to be permitted. 

In the 1896 decision by the Supreme Court headed by Melville Fuller, the Louisiana state law was upheld, creating the "separate but equal doctrine" and commencing the Jim Crow Era. However, in the 2024 court with Judge Dean Smith residing, it was determined that the state was not being neutral; there was clear disparity between black and white cars which shows the races are not treated equal under the law. For these reasons, the impartial and merciful Judge Smith juxtaposed the 1896 verdict, ruling in favor of Plessy. 

PBS Reconstruction Video Reaction

Immediately following the end of the Civil War in 1865, the United States would be thrust into a period of uncertainty and imminent change. By December of the same year the thirteenth amendment would afford African Americans across the nation their freedom. Beyond the constitutional emancipation of the formerly enslaved, there was little national consensus on the next course of action. 

While 1865 marked the end of the bloodiest war to that point in American history, it did not signify the beginning of peace. Generations of racism and prejudice in the southern states cultivated a seemingly inflexible social structure that regarded white people as superior to the black counterparts. As a result, hysteria and violence ensured when these social constructs were eviscerated by the thirteenth amendment. Infamously, the Ku Klux Klan was established in Tennessee as a response to the new rights that were extended to black Americans. The Klan and similar organizations sought to overturn the verdict of the Civil War through acts of domestic terrorism. 

At the same time, democratic governments were regain power a crossed the south east as due to the lenient reconstruction policies enacted by President Johnson. Andrew Johnson, who was sworn into office after Lincoln's assassination, was an old fashioned democrat with southern origins. Predictably, the president held southern sympathies which influenced his political decisions. While in term, he enacted policies that gave democrats a free hand in controlling the black population and refranchised thousands of former confederates, including Jefferson Davis. Consequently, the democratic party rebuilt significant political influence in the south through campaigns that promised to restore the southern way of life. 

Under these redeemers governments, called such because they sought redemption for the loss of the Civil Warm, the rights of African Americans were flagrantly and consistently violated. One such example can be found in the Black Codes which were designed to ensure that there was as little change from slavery to freedom as possible. 

Within this legislation was a Vagrancy Clause which outlawed joblessness and homelessness among African Americans. Since it was not uncommon for recently freed black citizens to be without a home or a job, many were arrested and fined. If the defendant could not pay their fee, which was a common outcome considering the socioeconomic status of many African American during this point in history, they would be forced to work for free. Essentially, democratic governments crafted a means to effectively bypassed the thirteenth amendments and reinstall a from of black servitude with their society. 

Expectedly, tensions rose between the races and boiled over in May of 1866 with the Memphis Massacre where forty-eight Americans were killed. Unfortunately, this was not an isolated event as additional forty people died due to mob violence in New Orleans. In other locations, there was casual interracial violence and arson, prompting the federal government to reconsider its approach on reconstruction. By 1867, the federal government had reenkindled its efforts to rebuild the south with the proposal of the fourteenth amendment and the instatement of the first military reconstruction act. Furthermore, the central government demanded that southern states revise and reconstruct their constitutions to align with the progressive policies of the reconstruction era.

The first three years immediately following the Civil War as discussed in this blog are considered to be the most most momentous, hopeful, and fearful in African American history. It was an era wherein the people of the United States attempted to rebuild their country in a way that would match the ideals set forth in the founding documents. Simultaneously, the commitment of blacks to the practice of democracy was revitalized which led to greater progression as the nation moved through the latter half of the nineteenth century.